Updated on
September 24, 2026
Social Cognitive Theory: Bandura, Self-Efficacy and Agency
Bandura's social cognitive theory explained: reciprocal determinism, self-efficacy and agency, with a diagram, key constructs and two worked lessons.

Updated on
September 24, 2026
Bandura's social cognitive theory explained: reciprocal determinism, self-efficacy and agency, with a diagram, key constructs and two worked lessons.
What is social cognitive theory?
Social cognitive theory is Albert Bandura's account of how personal factors, behaviour and environment influence one another. People learn through direct experience and observation, form beliefs about what they can do, regulate their actions and help shape the settings that also shape them.
Social cognitive theory is the idea that what a learner believes, what they do and the setting around them keep changing one another. Albert Bandura called this three-way loop reciprocal determinism. The theory's best-known idea is self-efficacy: a person's judgement of whether they can do a particular task (Bandura, 1986).
The theory goes beyond learning by watching. It links self-efficacy, self-regulation and agency to action and context. This helps explain why the same lesson can lead to different choices and levels of effort.
For teachers, the theory is one part of a wider set of learning theories. It does not offer a recipe or prove that confidence causes marks to rise. It prompts better questions about skill, action, feedback, access and the social setting around a task.
Social cognitive theory explains human functioning through reciprocal relations between personal factors, behaviour and environment. Personal factors include cognitive, affective and biological events. Behaviour includes choices and actions. Environment includes physical settings, other people, social expectations, resources and consequences.
Bandura called this link triadic reciprocal causation. The term rejects two simple claims. People are not only pushed by their setting. Nor are they minds that act with no social limits.
People both shape their lives and are shaped by them (Bandura, 1989).
Consider a learner who rarely answers in science. They may doubt their skill at explaining a result. Staying silent gives the teacher fewer signs of their thought.
The teacher may then ask them fewer follow-up questions. That class response can strengthen the learner's view that public speech is not for them.
This example does not prove the cause. Silence could reflect doubt, deep thought, language needs, sensory load or choice. The teacher should check the linked pattern rather than label the learner. A private response and a change to the task can give better proof.
Bandura's ideas changed across several decades. His early work dealt with models and copied acts. His 1977 account drew learning, thought and results together before his later work grew into a wider theory.
In 1986, he set out the wider theory. Later work gave more depth to self-rule, moral acts and human agency.
The 1977 and 1986 labels are linked but not the same. Social learning theory gives more depth to learning from models. The later theory places that work in a wider account of beliefs, self-rule and agency. The table sets the two side by side.
| Social learning theory (1977) | Social cognitive theory (1986 on) | |
|---|---|---|
| Main question | How do people learn by watching others? | How do people, their actions and their settings shape one another? |
| Core ideas | Modelling, and the four processes of attention, retention, production and motivation | Reciprocal determinism, self-efficacy, self-regulation and agency |
| The learner | An active watcher who stores and rehearses what they see | An agent who plans, predicts, checks and reflects |
| Classroom question | What should learners watch, and when do they try it? | What does this learner believe about the task, and what in the room is keeping that belief in place? |
This page covers that wider system. For the 1961 live-model study, the 1963 filmed-model research and the 1965 consequence study, use our guide to Bandura's social learning theory.
Reciprocal determinism is Bandura's name for the idea that personal factors, behaviour and environment each influence the other two. He set it out in full in 1978 and later called it triadic reciprocal causation (Bandura, 1978, 1986). No corner is the single cause. A belief can shape an action, the action can change the setting, and the setting can feed back into the belief.
The model is often drawn as a triangle. The picture can suggest that all three influences are equal and act at the same moment. Bandura did not claim that. One influence may be stronger in a given situation, and effects can unfold over different timescales.
The three corners each need a closer look, because each one gives the teacher a different place to act.
Personal factors include knowledge, expectations, goals, beliefs, emotions and biological events. They are not fixed personality traits. A learner's expectation can change after success, feedback or a new interpretation of the task.
For example, a learner may expect a hard reading text to expose mistakes. That belief can affect focus and the choice to begin. It does not reveal a fixed lack of drive.
Behaviour includes what the learner does, avoids and keeps doing. An act can change the setting, while a question can bring new facts or support.
Environment includes more than room layout. It covers instructions, relationships, models, resources, curriculum access, social norms and the consequences attached to action. It can support or restrict agency.
This is close to what sociocultural theory calls the social setting of learning. The difference is the focus. Vygotsky's theory puts language and cultural tools at the centre, while Bandura puts the learner's beliefs about their own capability there.
A teacher can use the triad as a simple frame. Record the learner's response, the task and signs of what they believe. Change one part, then check again. This is sounder than claiming that a good class always builds confidence or that confidence alone leads to success.
Textbooks and health courses often list the theory as a set of named constructs. The list below uses the terms you will meet most often. Each row adds what the idea looks like in a classroom.
| Construct | What it means | What it looks like in class |
|---|---|---|
| Reciprocal determinism | Personal factors, behaviour and environment influence one another over time. | A learner's doubt keeps them quiet, and fewer questions from the teacher then confirm the doubt. |
| Self-efficacy | A judgement of your capability to carry out a specific task. | "I can balance this equation, but I cannot explain why it works." |
| Outcome expectations | Beliefs about what an action will lead to, and how much that result is worth. | A learner who can revise well but doubts revision will change their grade. |
| Behavioural capability | The knowledge and skill needed to carry out the action. The term comes from health versions of the model. | Knowing what a topic sentence is, and being able to write one. |
| Observational learning | Learning by watching a model and what happens to the model. | Watching the teacher think aloud through a source question before trying one. |
| Reinforcement and incentives | Direct, observed and self-set results that affect whether a learned action is used. | Seeing a peer's draft praised for its evidence, then adding evidence to your own. |
| Self-regulation | Watching your own work, judging it against a standard and adjusting it. | Checking each claim in a paragraph against the success criteria and fixing one. |
| Collective efficacy | A group's shared belief that it can act together to reach a goal. | A science department's belief that together it can raise Year 10 practical write-ups. |
| Moral disengagement | Ways people switch off self-blame for harmful conduct. | "It was only a joke," said after unkind messages in a group chat. |
Two cautions apply. First, the list is a teaching summary, not Bandura's own chapter plan. Second, the constructs work together, so a change in one usually shows up in the others. The sections below take the most useful ones for teachers in turn.
Self-efficacy is a person's judgement of their capability to organise and carry out the action needed for a particular performance. It concerns “can I do this?” rather than “am I a confident person?” The judgement can differ by subject, task, level of challenge and situation (Bandura, 1977, 1997).
A learner may judge that they can solve routine sums but not explain a proof. A broad label such as “low confidence” hides this task-specific gap. The distinction also links to wider theories of motivation.
Self-efficacy is also distinct from an outcome expectation. A learner may believe they can complete an assignment but doubt that it will lead to a valued result. In the reverse case, they may value the result but doubt that they can do the work. The teacher needs a different response in each case.
Self-efficacy can shape choice, effort and how long a person keeps going. It does not replace skill or access. Strong but poorly judged belief does not ensure sound work.
Low belief may be a fair view of weak skill or a task that cannot be reached. The goal is not the highest belief. It is sound skill, a fair self-check and access to what is needed.
Bandura identified four broad sources of information from which efficacy judgements can develop. People interpret these sources rather than absorbing them automatically.
A meta-analysis found an average effect size of 0.38 for the link between self-efficacy and academic performance. Results varied widely across studies (Multon et al., 1991). This does not show that belief alone caused the result. Skill, teaching, past work and context still count.
Which comes first, belief or success? Studies that follow learners over time find both directions, but not in equal measure. A pooled analysis of 11 such studies (2,688 people) found that earlier performance predicted later self-efficacy more strongly than the reverse. In children, only performance predicted later belief (Talsma et al., 2018). A five-year study of Korean secondary learners found the same imbalance (Hwang et al., 2016).
Across 61 studies of academic self-efficacy (8,965 people), mastery experience had by far the strongest link of the four sources (Byars-Winston et al., 2017). In one field study, learners aged 12 and 13 were quietly given easier puzzles and so outscored their classmates. Their self-efficacy rose and stayed higher for up to a year (Uchida et al., 2018). The lesson for teachers is plain. Build belief through real success on the task, not through talk about confidence.
Core account: In Bandura's 1986 and later theory, personal factors, behaviour and environment influence one another over time. Their effects need not be equal or simultaneous.
Self-efficacy and outcomes: Self-efficacy asks whether someone can organise and carry out the actions for a specific performance. An outcome expectation concerns what may happen if those actions are performed. They are related but distinct.
Sources of efficacy information: Enactive mastery, vicarious experience, social persuasion, and physiological or affective states can inform efficacy judgements. Their meaning depends on interpretation; they are not a guaranteed ranking or classroom recipe.
Self-regulation: Self-observation supports judgement against standards, followed by self-reaction through a change to goals, effort or strategy.
Agency: Intentionality, forethought, self-reactiveness and self-reflectiveness describe how people plan, anticipate, regulate and examine action.
Boundaries: Observational learning is an important bridge from the 1977 theory, but social cognitive theory is broader than imitation. Moral disengagement explains how moral self-sanctions may be selectively suspended; it is not a behaviour-management technique.
Teacher decision: Change the environment, support genuine mastery, then check independent action.
Sources shown: Bandura (1986, 1991, 1997, 2001, 2016).
The theory does not treat people as watchers who wait for rewards. Bandura said that people can guide their own drive and acts. His account grouped this work into three linked parts (Bandura, 1991).
A Year 8 learner who drafts an account can mark where each claim has proof. They can then check the work against set goals and revise one weak line. The learner is not just following a reward. They are making a record, judging it and acting on the result.
Self-efficacy works within this process. A judgement of capability can affect the goals a learner accepts and the effort they sustain. Progress can then provide new efficacy information. The relation is reciprocal, not a one-way path from confidence to success.
Bandura's account provides the theoretical foundation. The detailed planning, monitoring and reflection routines used in education belong to our guide to self-regulated learning. Teachers should also consult subject-specific evidence before choosing a routine.
Human agency is the power to shape one's acts and life through intent. It does not mean full freedom from social rules or limits. People help make social systems, but those systems also guide and limit their lives (Bandura, 2001).
His later account described four core features:
Agency can take more than one form. Personal agency means acting at first hand. Proxy agency means seeking help or asking someone to act.
Collective agency means a group acts as one. These forms show why working alone is not the only sign of agency.
In school, asking for a model may be proxy agency rather than passivity. A group planning a complex enquiry may exercise collective agency. The question is how deliberately and effectively learners influence the task, not whether they avoid support. Our guide to agency in the classroom turns this into routines.
Collective efficacy is a group's shared belief that it can organise and carry out joint action to reach a goal (Bandura, 2000). It matters because groups, like people, choose goals and keep going according to what they believe they can do together.
In schools the idea is best known as collective teacher efficacy: staff's shared belief that together they can raise learners' achievement. In a study of 47 primary schools, those with stronger collective teacher efficacy had higher reading and maths results, even after allowing for learners' backgrounds (Goddard et al., 2000). The design was correlational, so it cannot show that raising the belief raises results.
Bandura also used the theory to explain moral acts. People form moral rules and judge their own deeds. They may expect self-respect after a kind act or self-blame after they cause harm (Bandura, 1999).
Moral disengagement occurs when these self-regulatory sanctions are selectively disconnected from harmful conduct. Bandura described several mechanisms. Harm may be reframed as serving a worthy purpose, softened through euphemistic language or made to look acceptable by comparison with something worse. Responsibility may be displaced onto an authority or diffused across a group (Bandura, 2016).
People may also minimise the consequences of an action, dehumanise those affected or blame victims for what happened. These mechanisms do not show that moral standards are absent. They explain how a person can act against those standards without activating the usual self-condemnation (Bandura et al., 1996; Bandura, 1999).
This work is a later part of the theory. It is not a fix for the limits of the Bobo doll tests. In school, it can aid calm talk about bullying, online acts and a group's role. Teachers should study the words and spread of blame without using the theory to label one learner.
Observational learning remains part of social cognitive theory, but it is not the whole theory. Bandura described attentional, retention, production and motivational processes that help explain whether an observed pattern is acquired and later performed. They are interacting component processes, not a fixed four-step staircase.
A learner may retain a method without using it in the first task. Goals, skill, results and social rules can affect its later use. This is the key gap between learning and what a person does.
The Bobo studies found short-term differences in imitative acts under laboratory conditions. They did not prove that people copy all they see. They also did not test self-efficacy, reciprocal causation or agency.
Keep the classroom inference bounded. A teacher model may provide useful information, but observation alone does not establish understanding. Ask learners to explain a decision, attempt a related task and use the method independently. The Bandura guide linked earlier covers the experimental record and reinforcement distinctions in detail.
Social cognitive theory helps teachers form testable hypotheses about learning. It does not show that every model, praise statement or classroom arrangement will improve results. Each application needs a clear learning goal and evidence from the task.
Show the key choice, not only the final answer. This kind of think-aloud model can expose a step that is hard to see. In history, a teacher can explain why one source backs a claim but still needs a check for motive. Learners can find the same choice in a second source before they write.
Direct attention to one or two features, allow a short attempt and inspect the response. Do not treat eye contact, stillness or quick imitation as proof of attention or learning. Observation should lead to evidence of what the learner can explain and do.
Choose a task that is challenging but accessible with the available support. Make success criteria clear. Give feedback that names what the learner did and what the next attempt requires.
For example, “Your answer now links the result to the heat change. Add the measure that backs that link” gives clear proof of skill. “Brilliant work” does not show what can be used again. Good formative feedback builds skill and helps learners read sound signs of their own progress.
Peer models can help when the model is right and trusted. A similar peer is not always more useful than a teacher. Schunk found that the model, learner and task all matter. Use a peer model for a clear aim, then check the work.
How the model handles difficulty also matters. In one study, children who watched a peer make errors and then work through them gained more self-efficacy and skill than children who watched a flawless peer (Schunk et al., 1987). In live modelling, show one realistic slip and how you fixed it.
Translate a broad aim into an observable action. “Improve my writing” is difficult to monitor. “Use evidence after each claim in the next paragraph” creates a standard against which the learner can judge a draft.
Ask the learner to mark each link to proof, check it against the goal and fix one gap. This cycle reflects a check, a judgement and a response. It also gives the teacher facts about the task and its scaffold, not just the learner.
If participation is low, do not begin by trying to fix confidence. Examine wait time, question design, prior knowledge, language demand, peer response and the cost of making an error publicly. Change one feature and observe whether behaviour changes.
The planner below turns this into one plan for one learner. Choose what you are seeing and it gives you a belief to check, a behaviour to record and one change to the setting.
A science team can give each learner one minute to mark up a result before talk starts. More learners may then have a point ready to share. The change does not prove which belief mattered, but it alters the setting and gives better proof for the next choice.
Offer legitimate ways to seek support and coordinate action. Learners can choose a prompt card, request an example or ask a partner to check a step. A group can agree roles and review whether each person has the information needed.
Agency should not become a demand that learners solve structural barriers alone. Access to teaching, time, safety and suitable resources remains an institutional responsibility. Social cognitive theory is strongest when personal action and social conditions stay in the same explanation.
The two examples below follow one learner each through the three corners. In both, the teacher changes the setting first, plans a real success, and then checks what the learner does without help.
A Year 4 learner says, "I'm rubbish at times tables." That is the personal factor. During practice they copy answers from their partner's whiteboard. That is the behaviour. Because the answers look right, the teacher moves on, and the setting never tests what the learner can do alone.
The teacher changes the setting first. Every learner gets their own whiteboard, and the worked example 24 × 3 = 72 stays on the board. The first question is 21 × 3, which has no exchange, so success is likely and real. The next is 26 × 3, where 18 ones means one ten is carried.
The feedback names the step: "You carried the ten into the tens column and added it after multiplying." That is social persuasion based on work the learner can see. The check comes the next day. Can the learner solve 37 × 4 = 148 alone, without the model on the board?
A Year 10 learner writes two lines about a character in a set text and stops. They say, "I'm not an essay person." They also doubt that more effort will change their grade, which is an outcome expectation. The setting adds to it: long essays are set, and the feedback is a grade with no next step.
The teacher shrinks the task to one paragraph with three parts: a claim, a short quotation and the effect on the audience. Under the visualiser, the teacher writes a model and deletes a weak sentence aloud, so the learner sees a coping model rather than a finished product. A marked paragraph from the right grade band shows how one paragraph earns marks.
The learner writes one paragraph and ticks the three parts on their own work. That is self-regulation in action. The feedback names what worked and sets one next goal, such as adding a second reading of the quotation. The check comes two weeks later, when the learner starts a timed paragraph without being prompted.
Teachers on social media almost never say "Bandura" or "self-efficacy". They describe the same moves in plain words: a small success before a public answer, a worked step that keeps a quiet learner going, and a finish line that moves as learners reach it. The table sets three of those routines against the research.
Teachers on social media rarely name Bandura, but some describe his sources of self-efficacy in their own routines. The routine and notice columns are our summary of each post; the evidence column is the research, not the post.
| Routine, as teachers describe it | What you would notice | What the evidence says |
|---|---|---|
| Turn and talk (TAT) first, then cold call | ||
The purpose of the previous TAT is to give the kids who are not as quick on their feet a chance to catch up, and to give everyone a chance to rvw the ans before I cold call. |
Learners who are slower to answer get time to catch up and review the answer with a partner before anyone is asked alone. The public answer comes after a private success. | Mastery experience has the strongest link with academic self-efficacy of Bandura's four sources (Byars-Winston et al., 2017). No study here tests this exact routine. |
| Give less confident learners the steps of a worked example | ||
Providing the steps from a worked example gives less-confident students a scaffold without removing the thinking. |
The steps show what comes next, so a learner who would stay silent can attempt the problem. The thinking in each step is still theirs to do. | Earlier success predicts later belief more than the reverse (Talsma et al., 2018). No study here tests this exact routine. |
| Build focus in timed steps, from 4 minutes upwards | ||
We started at 4 minutes and took breaks. Rewards included candy! I have them up to 15 minutes now. |
A timer starts at 4 minutes of work with a break, then grows to 15 minutes. Learners who used to stop early meet a finish line they can reach, and the line moves as they succeed. | This is mastery experience in small steps. Learners who were helped to succeed early kept a higher self-efficacy for up to a year (Uchida et al., 2018). The post is one teacher's account, not a trial. |
The same conversation has a darker side. When learners never finish a task on their own, they stop expecting to, and teachers call the result learned helplessness.
Two short posts from social media. One sets out the limit of what a teacher can do when a learner waits to be rescued. The other lists the routines one teacher set up on the first day so that every learner answers.
I can guide you, ask questions, model it, give you tools… but I cannot climb inside your brain and think FOR you.
Introduced cold calls, turn and talk, choral responses, and mini whiteboards and all hands up on day 1.
Read these posts as teachers' accounts, not as evidence that a routine works. The research above explains why they might: each one gives learners a real success before they are asked to perform alone.
Social cognitive theory connects areas that narrower accounts may separate: learning from models, beliefs about capability, goal-directed action, self-regulation and social context. Its concepts have generated research across education, health and organisational settings.
Its breadth is also a limit. A linked system is harder to test than a one-way claim. A study must state what it means by beliefs, acts and setting, then track when each one shifts. A class tale in which confidence, talk and help all rise does not show which one changed first.
Many self-efficacy studies use self-report. The best measures match the task and level of challenge. “Are you confident at maths?” is not the same as a claim about one type of sum. Links with marks can also run both ways or share the same cause.
Culture and social rank affect access, valued goals and the meaning of agency. Later work included group agency and did not split agency from social rules. Yet the theory can still be used badly. Telling learners to believe more can hide poor teaching, bias, poverty or lack of access.
The framework also sits beside, rather than replaces, other accounts. Cognitive load theory asks whether a model or task overloads working memory. A sound comparison with behaviourism must also avoid reducing all behaviourist work to reward and punishment. To see where Bandura sits among the other models, compare the eight approaches in our overview of learning theories.
Keep these common corrections in view:
The question teachers ask most is whether higher self-efficacy leads to higher results. The evidence check below gathers the studies on that question and shows how far they agree.
Try the three-corner check with one learner this week. Note what they believe about the task, what they do and what the setting asks of them. Then change one corner, usually the setting, and look again.
These short answers cover the questions people ask most about Bandura's later theory. Use the full sections above when a claim needs its source or limit.
Personal factors, behaviour and environment influence one another. People learn through experience and observation, form efficacy beliefs, regulate action and exercise agency within social conditions.
It is Bandura's term for the way a person's thoughts and feelings, their behaviour and their environment each influence the other two. None of the three is the single cause, and one link can be stronger than the others at a given time.
Self-efficacy is a judgement of capability to organise and carry out action for a particular task or domain. It is not the same as self-esteem, general confidence or the expectation that an action will produce a valued outcome.
Social learning theory (1977) centres on learning from models through attention, retention, production and motivation. Social cognitive theory (1986) keeps that work but adds self-efficacy, self-regulation and agency. The learner becomes an agent as well as a watcher.
Teachers can examine capability beliefs, actions and task conditions together. They can model key decisions, create accessible mastery opportunities, use specific feedback and help learners monitor progress. Each method still needs its own classroom evidence.
It is broad and hard to test as a whole. Much of the self-efficacy evidence rests on self-report and correlation. It can also be misused to blame learners for low belief when the real barrier is teaching, access or poverty.
These five papers give the strongest next steps. They cover self-efficacy, self-rule, moral choice, agency and peer models. Each link leads to a journal or DOI record rather than a search page.
Self-efficacy: Toward a unifying theory of behavioral change
Bandura, A. (1977). Psychological Review, 84, 191-215.
The self system in reciprocal determinism
Bandura, A. (1978). American Psychologist, 33(4), 344-358.
Social cognitive theory of self-regulation
Bandura, A. (1991). Organizational Behavior and Human Decision Processes, 50, 248-287.
Mechanisms of moral disengagement in the exercise of moral agency
Bandura, A., Barbaranelli, C., Caprara, G. V., and Pastorelli, C. (1996). Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 71, 364-374.
Moral disengagement in the perpetration of inhumanities
Bandura, A. (1999). Personality and Social Psychology Review, 3, 193-209.
Exercise of human agency through collective efficacy
Bandura, A. (2000). Current Directions in Psychological Science, 9(3), 75-78.
Social cognitive theory: An agentic perspective
Bandura, A. (2001). Annual Review of Psychology, 52, 1-26.
Toward a psychology of human agency
Bandura, A. (2006). Perspectives on Psychological Science, 1, 164-180.
Unique effects and moderators of effects of sources on self-efficacy: A model-based meta-analysis
Byars-Winston, A., Diestelmann, J., Savoy, J. N., and Hoyt, W. T. (2017). Journal of Counseling Psychology, 64(6), 645-658.
Collective teacher efficacy: Its meaning, measure, and impact on student achievement
Goddard, R. D., Hoy, W. K., and Woolfolk Hoy, A. (2000). American Educational Research Journal, 37(2), 479-507.
The relationship between self-efficacy and academic achievement: A 5-year panel analysis
Hwang, M. H., Choi, H. C., Lee, A., Culver, J. D., and Hutchison, B. (2016). The Asia-Pacific Education Researcher, 25(1), 89-98.
Relation of self-efficacy beliefs to academic outcomes: A meta-analytic investigation
Multon, K. D., Brown, S. D., and Lent, R. W. (1991). Journal of Counseling Psychology, 38, 30-38.
Peer models and children's behavioral change
Schunk, D. H. (1987). Review of Educational Research, 57, 149-174.
Peer-model attributes and children's achievement behaviors
Schunk, D. H., Hanson, A. R., and Cox, P. D. (1987). Journal of Educational Psychology, 79(1), 54-61.
I believe, therefore I achieve (and vice versa): A meta-analytic cross-lagged panel analysis of self-efficacy and academic performance
Talsma, K., Schüz, B., Schwarzer, R., and Norris, K. (2018). Learning and Individual Differences, 61, 136-150.
An induced successful performance enhances student self-efficacy and boosts academic achievement
Uchida, A., Michael, R. B., and Mori, K. (2018). AERA Open, 4(4).
Self-efficacy: An essential motive to learn
Zimmerman, B. J. (2000). Contemporary Educational Psychology, 25, 82-91.